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Metropolitan communities across the country are facing the same, seemingly unsolvable problems: the concentration of poverty in central cities, with flashpoints of increasing crime and segregation; declining older suburbs and vulnerable developing suburbs; and costly urban sprawl, with upper-middle-class residents and new jobs moving further and further out to an insulated, favored quarter. Exacerbating this polarization, the federal government has largely abandoned urban policy. Most officials, educators, and citizens have been at a loss to create workable solutions to these complex, widespread trends. And until now, there has been no national discussion to adequately and practically address the future of America's metropolitan regions. Metropolitics is the story of how demographic research and state-of-the-art mapping, together with resourceful and pragmatic politics, built a powerful political alliance between the central cities, declining inner suburbs, and developing suburbs with low tax bases. In an unprecedented accomplishment, groups formerly divided by race and class--poor minority groups and blue-collar suburbanites--together with churches, environmental groups, and parts of the business community, began to act in concert to stabilize their communities.
The Twin Cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul believed that they were immune from the forces of central city decline, urban sprawl, and regional polarization, but the 1980s hit them hard. The number of poor and minority children in central-city schools doubled from 25 to 50 percent, segregation rapidly increased, distressed urban neighborhoods grew at the fourth fastest rate in the United States, and the murder rate in Minneapolis surpassed that of New York City.
These changes tended to accelerate and intensify as they reached middle- and working-class bedroom communities, which were less able to respond and went into transition far more rapidly. On the other side of the region, massive infrastructure investment and exclusive zoning were creating a different type of community. In white-collar suburbs with high tax bases, where only 27 percent of the region's population lived, 61 percent of the region's new jobs were created. As the rest of the region struggled, these communities pulled away physically and financially.
In this powerful book, Myron Orfield details a regional agenda and the political struggle that accompanied the creation of the nation's most significant regional government and the enactment of land use, fair housing, and tax-equity reform legislation. He shows the link between television and talk radio sensationalism and bad public policy and, conversely, how a well-delivered message can ensure broad press coverage of even complicated issues.
Metropolitics and the experience of the Twin Cities show that no American region is immune from pervasive and difficult problems. Orfield argues that the forces of decline, sprawl, and polarization are too large for individual cities and suburbs to confront alone. The answer lies in a regional agenda that promotes both community and stability.
Copublished with the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy
- Sales Rank: #2745862 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Brookings Institution Press
- Published on: 1998-05-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: .82" h x 7.53" w x 9.22" l,
- Binding: Paperback
- 244 pages
Features
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"Orfield's careful and thorough analysis of metropolitan development trends has renewed a vital metropolitan debate. With this analysis he has built a broad, powerful political coalition of central cities and older suburban communities to bring reform to regional governance, housing, land use and transportation policies. Vetoes have blocked some of the most important reforms, but their time will come. This is a major contribution to the field." —George Latimer, Former Mayor of St. Paul and Special Adviser to the Secretary of HUD and Donald Fraser, Former Congr
About the Author
Myron Orfield is Executive Director of the Metropolitan Area Research Corporation, a Minnesota State Senator, and an adjunct professor at the University of Minnesota Law School.
Most helpful customer reviews
8 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Regionalism working in the U.S.!
By David C N Swanson
October 2000
"METROPOLITICS: A regional agenda for community and stability" (1997) by Myron Orfield presents a convincing solution to a surprising array of problems. Americans hate sprawl, but they hate even more anything that they can find a way to label socialism. Orfield describes a system of regional government -- tried and tested by himself and others in Minnesota -- that promoters of corporate profit will have a difficult time pinning the pinko label on. Much of what Orfield thinks promotes sprawl are government regulations and projects of an undesirable sort.
Regional planning reduces competition among towns, counties, and neighborhoods that hurts them all. Without regionalism, taxpayers end up subsidizing sprawl and ghettoization. Companies play one locality off against another to find the biggest giveaways. Developers lobby successfully for publicly funded infrastructure in the hinterlands, and affluent (largely white) residents move out of downtown. Schools in the city become dominated by poor students, taxes are raised to subsidize the wealthy suburbs, and white flight escalates.
Orfield's book concentrates on the example of Minneapolis/St. Paul, but is applicable around the United States, and presents useful strategies for improving schools, creating affordable housing, and numerous other projects in addition to protecting the environment and quality of life. Orfield maintains that higher spending on schools in areas of concentrated poverty is pointless. What's needed, he says, is (aside from the elimination of poverty, and as a step in that direction) a redistribution moving some of the poor to the suburbs and some of the wealthy downtown. He wants to fight sprawl, in fact, by building affordable housing in the suburbs. This is because he sees a primary promoter of sprawl as ghettoization and white flight.
Of course, Orfield also wants to see denser construction, and argues that competition among localities drives the desire for less dense construction in hopes that it will produce more tax revenue than it produces demand for services. Regional planning can avoid this vicious rivalry, and -- by mixing housing of various prices -- can allow people to live nearer their jobs, thus cutting the costs of transportation throughout the region.
I think Orfield's point about schools is worth quoting a few passages. I, for one, am immediately suspicious of any assertion that what struggling schools need is not money. But this one I find persuasive:
"Schools are the first victim and most powerful perpetuator of metropolitan polarization."
"Few people realize that the central-city schools spend $7,060 per pupil. 15 percent more than any other group of districts in the Twin Cities. Spending on central-city schools is also high in Chicago, Atlanta, and many other cities throughout the United States. No matter where it occurs, higher spending does little to attract or retain middle-class students. The existing level of poverty and student diversity are overriding deflectors."
"'If you just fix the schools so the middle class will be comfortable, the city will stabilize,' reform advocates often say. This claim would be true if anyone knew how to fix monolithically poor schools. School reformers, like reform advocates for cities, rarely take into account the effects of concentrated poverty on schools -- effects that are fundamental to how attractive these schools appear to the middle class."
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